A passionate linguist and writer dedicated to helping others improve their communication through creative storytelling.
Sir Keir Starmer traveled to north Wales this past Thursday to reveal the construction of a new nuclear power station. This is a major policy announcement with implications at local and countrywide levels. However, the PM did not devote extensive time in Wales to promoting solutions for the UK's energy needs. Rather, he spent it attempting to draw a line under the Labour leadership briefing row, informing journalists that Downing Street had not briefed against the health secretary's goals earlier this week.
As such, Sir Keir’s day acted as a small-scale example of what his premiership has evolved into overall. On the one hand, he desires his administration to be performing, and to be seen to be doing, important things. On the other hand, he is incapable to accomplish this because of the manner he – and, to an extent, the country as a whole – now practices political and governmental affairs.
Sir Keir cannot change the culture of politics on his own, but he can take action about his personal involvement in it. The plain fact is that he could run the centre of government far better than he currently does. Should he achieve this, he might find that the nation was in less dismay about his government than it currently is, and that he was getting his messages across more effectively.
A number of the problems in Downing Street relate to individuals. The interpersonal relations of every Downing Street operation are difficult to discern well from outside. But it seems obvious that Sir Keir does not make good personnel choices, or stick with them. Maybe he is overly occupied. Possibly he lacks genuine interest. However, he must to up his game, avoid slow progress or by halves.
All premiers devote excessive time abroad and on international matters, where Sir Keir should delegate more, and too little talking to MPs and hearing the public. Premiers also spend too much time engaging with the press, which Sir Keir compounds by performing inadequately. But premiers cannot express surprise when their politically appointed staff, who are often party loyalists or politically ambitious, overstep boundaries or become the story, as Mr McSweeney now has.
The biggest issues, though, are structural. It would be beneficial to believe that Sir Keir read the Institute for Government’s March 2024 report on overhauling the government's central operations. His failure to address these matters last July or afterward implies he did not. The often abject performance of the Labour administration suggests recommendations like restructuring the functions of the central government office and Downing Street, and dividing the jobs of cabinet secretary and head of the civil service, are now urgent.
The dominant political role of PMs greatly exceeds the support available to them. As a result, everything currently suffers, and many tasks are poorly executed or ignored.
This is not Sir Keir’s fault alone. He stands as the victim of past failures along with the author of present ones. Yet individuals who expected Sir Keir might get a grip on the centre and prioritize governmental structures have been disappointed. Unfortunately, the biggest loser from this shortcoming is Sir Keir himself.
A passionate linguist and writer dedicated to helping others improve their communication through creative storytelling.